orange dress shoes for women Barefoot Oxford Shoes Women - Laced Nubuck Orange
SKU: 39976017040
orange dress shoes for women

orange dress shoes for women Barefoot Oxford Shoes Women - Laced Nubuck Orange

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orange dress shoes for women Barefoot Oxford Shoes Women - Laced Nubuck OrangeOxford Style Lace up Nubuck Orange Women's Shoes are made with 1st quality calf leather inside and out, featuring a buffalo leather sole and a pure copper capsule for conductivity. These shoes provide sensory feedback, reconnecting your feet with the environment without the need for socks. Designed for comfort, Oxford Style Lace up Nubuck Orange Women's Shoes offer a naturally air conditioned environment to keep feet cool and dry. These lightweight

Oxford Style Lace-up Nubuck Orange Women's Shoes are made with 1st quality calf leather inside and out, featuring a buffalo leather sole and a pure copper capsule for conductivity. These shoes provide sensory feedback, reconnecting your feet with the environment without the need for socks.

Designed for comfort, Oxford Style Lace-up Nubuck Orange Women's Shoes offer a naturally air-conditioned environment to keep feet cool and dry. These lightweight handmade shoes allow toes to spread out naturally and are perfect for year-round use. Easy returns are available through our U.S. warehouse.

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✅ We used 1st quality calf leather on and inside the shoes, and buffalo leather on the sole. We supported the conductivity by adding a pure copper capsule made of buffalo skin to the base. We offer your feet the sensory feedback they crave. You feel the ground and you begin to reconnect with the environment. You do not need to wear socks. Transfer the electricity in your body to the ground.
✅ Offering a naturally air-conditioned environment to your feet, these shoes surprisingly keep your feet cool and dry, while your feet are saturated with oxygen. There will be no problems such as wounds, eczema, fungus, odor on your foot skin. Ideal for daily use in summer and spring. It is preferred indoors in the winter period.
✅ We thought about the comfort of your feet. We offer freedom to your fingers with our design. Give your toes much-needed freedom by allowing your toes to spread out into their natural stance.
✅ These handmade shoes are lightweight so you won't even notice you're wearing them. If you've ever worn great barefoot shoes, you'll never want to go back to regular shoes. It's crazy that we realize the weight we carry on our feet every day when we switch to lighter shoes. Switch to barefoot shoes and say goodbye to heavy feet.
✅ It is completely normal to feel the inner seams at first. Within a few hours, the cotton thread will be level with the skin and will not be felt.
✅ All photos of the product were taken by us. We will send you the same product as in the picture. the pattern does not change, but we cannot guarantee the color tone constancy. You may see a slight color tone difference between the product you bought and the photo you see on the screen, due to the light of the environment where the photo was taken and the color settings of the screen you are looking at!
✅ If the product does not fit your feet or there is an unexpected problem, you can use our warehouse in America to return it. You don't pay high shipping charges.
✅ We wish these healthy shoes to be a part of your spring and summer habits. It feels good to think that your feet are more comfortable than ever before.

Highlights of this lace-up barefoot nubuck orange women's shoe

  • Natural product, keeps feet warm indoors.
  • Premium calf leather surface, buffalo leather sole with copper capsule for conductivity.
  • Lightweight handmade shoe, barely noticeable when worn.
  • Inner seams normalize quickly.
  • Actual product matches photos, slight color variations possible.
  • Easy returns via our U.S. warehouse, no high shipping fees.
  • Suitable for year-round wear, enhancing foot comfort and health.
  • Crafted with 1st quality calf leather and buffalo leather sole with a copper capsule for enhanced conductivity.
  • Designed for a natural barefoot experience, providing comfort for both indoor and outdoor wear.
  • Oxford style with lace-up closure, combining classic design with modern barefoot comfort.
  • Handmade and lightweight, allowing freedom of movement without sacrificing style.
  • All photos represent the actual product, though slight color variations may occur due to lighting and screen settings.

Brighten Up with Bold Orange

Oxford Style Lace-up Nubuck Orange Women's Shoes add a vibrant splash of orange to your wardrobe, making a bold statement with every step. This eye-catching color pairs effortlessly with neutral outfits or complements other bright hues for a standout look. Perfect for those who love to infuse their style with energy and flair, especially during spring and summer.

Best Barefoot Oxford Shoes - Experience the Natural Feel

Our Barefoot Oxford Shoes are crafted from high-quality calf leather and feature a durable buffalo leather sole, enhanced with a pure copper capsule for exceptional sensory feedback. Designed with a classic Oxford style and subtle laced details, these shoes offer both sophistication and comfort, making them the ideal choice for those who value natural movement and timeless design.

These barefoot lace shoes provide a natural air-conditioning effect, keeping your feet cool and dry during the summer months while also providing comfort indoors during the winter. Say goodbye to the need for socks—our barefoot oxford shoe design allows you to stay connected to the ground while promoting healthy toe movement and breathability.

Nefes Shoes Quality Oxford Barefoot Shoes - Made for Your Comfort

Every pair of oxford barefoot shoes is carefully handmade, ensuring a lightweight, almost barefoot experience that offers complete freedom for your toes. You’ll notice the difference with each step as your feet feel less burdened and more supported by the ground. The natural construction and minimal seams provide a comfortable fit that adapts to your foot's shape, while the durable materials keep your feet safe and free of common issues such as irritation and odor.

Our barefoot shoes oxford collection is perfect for any season and easily complements a variety of outfits. These shoes aren’t just footwear; they’re a commitment to natural comfort and style, suitable for all-day wear and ideal for enhancing your foot health. Experience the feeling of truly connected movement with barefoot oxford shoes women who value timeless design and functional comfort.

Shipping Notes
  • Free Standard Shipping on $100+ Orders to the USA.
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Exchange/Return Notes
  • We offer a 30-day return/exchange service after receiving.
  • Final sale items are not eligible for returns or exchanges.
  • To process your return/exchange, please contact us at [email protected]
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SKU: 39976017040

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4.2 ★★★★★
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John J. Tivenan
Massapequa, US
★★★★★ 5
Real history; not fanciful wishful thinking and self-congratulatory claptrap.
Format: Paperback
Perhaps the most significant, insightful, and honest American history book ever written.
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Reviewed in the United States on June 4, 2026
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R. Russell Bittner
Lowell, US
★★★★★ 5
“This country is not in good condition.” Calvin Coolidge, 1931. (p. 387).
Apart from his unique view of American history and of his treatment of many of the landmark events of that history, Howard Zinn gives us any number of interesting and noteworthy observations in the course of this 700-page text. I beg your indulgence while we look at just a few…. On p. 73, “(t)o say that the Declaration of Independence, even by its own language, was limited to life, liberty and happiness for white males is not to denounce the makers and signers of the Declaration for holding the ideas expected of privileged males of the eighteenth century. Reformers and radicals, looking discontentedly at history, are often accused of expecting too much from a past political epoch – and sometimes they do. But the point of noting those outside the arc of human rights in the Declaration is not, centuries late and pointlessly, to lay impossible moral burdens on that time. It is to try to understand the way in which the Declaration functioned to mobilize certain groups of Americans, ignoring others. Surely, inspirational language to create a secure consensus is still used, in our time, to cover up serious conflicts of interest in that consensus, and to cover up, also, the omission of large parts of the human race.” And then, on p. 96: “(t)he problem of democracy in the post-Revolutionary society was not, however, the Constitutional limitations on voting. It lay deeper, beyond the Constitution, in the division of society into rich and poor. For if some people had great wealth and great influence; if they had the land, the money, the newspapers, the church, the educational system – how could voting, however broad, cut into such power? There was still another problem: wasn’t it the nature of representative government, even when most broadly based, to be conservative, to prevent tumultuous change?” For the answer to that last question, we can, of course, always turn to the pleasantly incendiary words of no less than Thomas Jefferson, which Mr. Zinn naturally and deftly does: “‘I hold it that a little rebellion now and then is a good thing…. It is a medicine necessary for the sound health of government…. God forbid that we should ever be twenty years without such a rebellion…. The Tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure.’” One can only imagine how Jefferson would’ve reacted to the following open letter penned by Ralph Waldo Emerson to President Van Buren in 1838 as the still young nation hung its head in shame for the Trail of Tears it had just blazed: “(t)he soul of man, the justice, the mercy that is the heart’s heart in all men, from Maine to Georgia, does abhor this business…a crime is projected that confounds our understanding by its magnitude, a crime that really deprives us as well as the Cherokees of a country for how could we call the conspiracy that should crush these poor Indians our government, or the land that was cursed by their parting and dying imprecations our country any more? You, sir, will bring down that renowned chair in which you sit into infamy if your seal is set to this instrument of perfidy; and the name of this nation, hitherto the sweet omen of religion and liberty, will stink to the world” (p. 147). Was the very noble Van Buren at all distressed by the death of thousands of Cherokee Indians along this Trail of Tears when, at the end of the same year, he spoke to Congress? “It affords sincere pleasure to apprise the Congress of the entire removal of the Cherokee Nation of Indians to their new homes west of the Mississippi. The measures authorized by Congress at its last session have had the happiest effects” (p. 148). (Emphasis is mine.) And if you think that all of the wars the U. S. participated in right up to Vietnam were “good” wars (as I did until now), consider what we have in the way of a diary entry from a certain Colonel Hitchcock: “I have said from the first that the United States are the aggressors…. We have not one particle of right to be here…. It looks as if the government sent a small force on purpose to bring on a war, so as to have a pretext for taking California and as much of this country as it chooses, for, whatever becomes of this army, there is no doubt of a war between the United States and Mexico…. My heart is not in this business … but, as a military man, I am bound to execute orders” (p. 151). As I’ve already said, Zinn has a singular way of characterizing some of history’s more significant events. As yet another example, I give you the following from p. 171 (on the first page of Chapter 9, titled “Slavery without Submission, Emancipation without Freedom”: “…it was Abraham Lincoln who freed the slaves, not John Brown. In 1859, John Brown was hanged, with federal complicity, for attempting to do by small-scale violence what Lincoln would do by large-scale violence several years later – end slavery.” And lest there still be any doubt about Abraham Lincoln’s position on American blacks and the issue of slavery, Zinn gives us these two very telltale quotes: “I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people…. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race” (p. 188). Moreover, and in direct response to the Editor of the New York Tribune, Horace Greeley, we find this (on p. 191): “Dear Sir: … I have not meant to leave any one in doubt…. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or destroy Slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about Slavery and the colored race, I do because it helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union…. I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty, and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men, everywhere, could be free. Yours, A. Lincoln.” But history (and human “progress”) moves on – and so, we have this: “(i)n 1877, (the year, according to David Burbank, in his book REIGN OF THE RABBLE, ‘no American city has come so close to being ruled by a workers’ soviet, as we would now call it, as St. Louis, Missouri’ – p. 250), the same year blacks learned they did not have enough strength to make real the promise of equality in the Civil War, working people learned they were not united enough, not powerful enough, to defeat the combination of private capital and government power” (p. 251). And Zinn then opens Chapter 11 (“Robber Barons and Rebels”) with this: “(i)n the year 1877, the signals were given for the rest of the century: the black would be put back; the strikes of white workers would not be tolerated; the industrial and political elites of North and South would take hold of the country and organize the greatest march of economic growth in human history. They would do it with the aid of, and at the expense of, black labor, white labor, Chinese labor, European immigrant labor, female labor, rewarding them differently by race, sex, national origin, and social class, in such a way as to create separate levels of oppression – a skillful terracing to stabilize the pyramid of wealth” (p. 253). For those who think the “Occupy Wall Street” movement of the new millennium was a singular invention of the millennial generation, you might want to consider what Mary Ellen Lease, of the newly formed People’s Party, had to tell those assembled at that party’s first convention in 1890 in Topeka, KS: “Wall Street owns the country. It is no longer a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, but a government of Wall Street, by Wall Street and for Wall Street…. Our laws are the output of a system which clothes rascals in robes and honesty in rags…. The politicians said we suffered from overproduction. Overproduction, when 10,000 little children … starve to death every year in the U. S. and over 100,000 shop girls in New York are forced to sell their virtue for bread…. “There are thirty men in the United States whose aggregate wealth is over one and one-half billion dollars. There are half a million looking for work…. We want money, land and transportation. We want the abolition of the National Banks, and we want the power to make loans direct from the government. We want the accursed foreclosure system wiped out…. We will stand by our homes and stay by our firesides by force if necessary, and we will not pay our debts to the loan-shark companies until the Government pays its debts to us. “The people are at bay, let the bloodhounds of money who have dogged us thus far beware” (p. 288). For those (like me until now) who’ve always thought only the best of Teddy Roosevelt, the following two direct quotes – not to mention William James’s rejoinder – might be a bit of a news-breaker: “(i)n strict confidence…I should welcome almost any war, for I think this country needs one” (p. 297). And in his address to the Naval War College, he has this to say: “(a)ll the great masterful races have been fighting races…. No triumph of peace is quite so great as the supreme triumph of war” (p. 300). Thankfully – and from James – comes the sobering suggestion that he (Roosevelt) “gushes over war as the ideal condition of human society, for the manly strenuousness which it involves, and treats peace as a condition of blubberlike and swollen ignobility, fit only for huckstering weaklings, dwelling in gray twilight and heedless of the higher life…” (p. 300). For those who think Obama’s recent initiative at a rapprochement with Cuba bodes well for that impoverished Caribbean island, you might want to consider what another historian, Philip Foner, writes about the last time (towards the end of the nineteenth century) this country took a keen interest in Old Havana: “(e)ven before the Spanish flag was down in Cuba, U. S. business interests set out to make their influence felt. Merchants, real estate agents, stock speculators, reckless adventurers, and promoters of all kinds of get-rich schemes flocked to Cuba by the thousands. Seven syndicates battled each other for control of the franchises for the Havana Street Railway, which were finally won by Percival Farquhar, representing the Wall Street interests of New York. Thus, simultaneously with the military occupation began … commercial occupation” (p. 310). But it gets even better on the other side of the planet, and the same William James who pronounced upon the clearly bellicose character of Teddy Roosevelt has the last word on American behavior in the Pacific: “God dam* the U. S. for its vile conduct in the Philippine Isles” (p. 315). And on that same subject, consider what none other than Mark Twain has to say: “(w)e have pacified some thousands of the islanders and buried them; destroyed their fields; burned their villages, and turned their widows and orphans out-of-doors; furnished heartbreak by exile to some dozens of disagreeable patriots; subjugated the remaining ten millions by Benevolent Assimilation, which is the pious new name of the musket; we have acquired property in the three hundred concubines and other slaves of our business partner, the Sultan of Sulu, and hoisted our protecting flag over that sway. “And so, by these Providences of God – and the phrase is the government’s, not mine – we are a World Power” (p. 316). Where, by the way, was all of this war-mongering and industrial development at breakneck speed headed? Zinn’s choice of a quote from Sinclair Lewis’s BABBITT couldn’t be more appropriate: “(i)t was the best of nationally advertised and quantitatively produced alarm-clocks, with all modern attachments, including cathedral chime, intermittent alarm, and a phosphorescent dial. Babbitt was proud of being awakened by such a rich device. Socially it was almost as creditable as buying expensive cord tires. “He sulkily admitted now that there was no more escape, but he lay and detested the grind of the real-estate business, and disliked his family, and disliked himself for disliking them” (pp. 383-384). Two more brief quotes from Howard Zinn himself, and then I’ll conclude. On p. 636, “(w)e may, in the coming years, be in a race for the mobilization of middle-class discontent.” And almost immediately following, on p. 637, “(c)apitalism has always been a failure for the lower classes. It is now beginning to fail for the middle classes.” I suggested, at the beginning of this review, that Howard Zinn had a “unique view of American history.” That suggestion was in no sense ironic or tongue-in-cheek. After a couple of weeks and 700+ pages, I can only say that this is some of the most valuable reading time I’ve ever spent. I’m humbled – and yes, also somewhat ashamed – that I’ve discovered this historian and his work at the very ripe old age of 64. I obviously wish it could’ve been sooner. But as it was not, the next best thing I could do was give my copy of A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, still slightly warm to the touch, to my daughter on the occasion of her 21st birthday. God willing, she’ll grow up better informed than I – at the very least, about the country whose passport she carries. RRB 06/08/15 Brooklyn, NY
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Reviewed in the United States on June 9, 2015
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John Klinger
Waukegan, US
★★★★★ 5
A must read
Format: Paperback
Great book! Show what you should eat to help yourself. Everyone should read this book.
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Reviewed in the United States on March 30, 2026
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Dark Angel
Charlottesville, US
★★★★★ 4
Worthwhile Read
Format: Hardcover
Extremely insightful.
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Reviewed in the United States on May 11, 2026
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William Echols
Massapequa, US
★★★★★ 5
Beyond the Usual Left/Right bifurcation
When thinking about Howard Zinn's "A People's History of the United States, I am reminded of E.H. Carr's seminal work "What is History?" whereby he stated: "The belief in a hard core of historical facts existing objectively and independently of the interpretation of the historian is a preposterous fallacy, but one which it is very hard to eradicate". As Carr famously stated, millions of people had crossed the Rubicon, but only Julius Caesar's crossing in 49 BC has been given normative value by historians. For those familiar with the philosophical treatment of historical understanding in Tolstoy's War and Peace, this sentiment will ring true. A People's History is designed to give voice to those millions who passed the rubicon but never found their way into the annuals of history. A couple of points. This book was intended to be a supplement as opposed to a strictly chronological account of history that will give you the bullet points for the most important people, dates and events. [sic] It is not meant to be a replacement for a more standardized textbook. Secondly, Zinn did not hate America, and he in fact stated: "I want young people to understand that ours is a beautiful country, but it has been taken over by men who have no respect for human rights or constitutional liberties. Our people are basically decent and caring, and our highest ideals are expressed in the Declaration of Independence, which was that all of us have an equal right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. The history of our country, I point out in my book, is a striving, against corporate robber barons and war makers, to make those ideals a reality-and all of us, of whatever age, can find immense satisfaction in becoming part of that." Regardless of your political position, between the Great Recession and the Iraq war, there is a relevance to this sentiment that cuts across political lines. Now, what one will notice in the bulk of the one star reviews is the sense that either the reviewer has not read the book, they copied and pasted their criticism from another source or they have strictly given the book one star because it does not conform with their view of reality. "Blame America first", "socialism", "communism", "Marx, "liberal propaganda", you can easily get the gist of the talking points because many American conservatives apparently got the same memo in dismissing anything they don't agree with. The disservice they do to themselves and the sphere of ideas in the outright dismissal of any perspective which does not conform to their own is truly sad. When someone gives a book one star merely for not conforming to their view of reality,they have obviously lost the plot. In university I knew many conservative history professors who liked and used Zinn's work. They believed it was important to incorporate and deal with the claims that Zinn made. You cannot whitewash history and blindly stick by the most comforting narrative. That does not mean that one should agree with Zinn's conclusions or think that he has a monopoly on the truth. Zinn himself would not have wanted that. For those who claim Zinn is a socialist or any other kind of -ist, that he is not completely objective, they have obviously never done any research. Pure positivism was dismissed long ago. Even Max Webber started that our subjective bias comes in the moment we choose to study something, for by seeing the subject matter as valuable, we have placed a normative value on it. There is no pure value objectivity, stating one's position and bias from the outset is what responsible social scientists do these days. A dryly academic text with an obvious bias concealed by a detached form of writing gives a falsely omniscient perspective whose reality is psychological but not objective. However they write, they are just a person, and without expressing their biases it will inevitably turn up in their work without necessarily being obvious. This is far more dangerous than what Zinn does in stating his bias from the outset. So it is a red herring to dismiss Zinn for having a perspective. We all have one and it will come into whatever we do. There is no knowable, objective reality (for humans) living in the Platonic world of perfect forms. History was a puzzle of immeasurable size that was blown apart and the pieces scattered over the cosmos. The vast majority of the pieces are gone, never to return. We are stabbing at an imperfect speculation, not ultimate truth when we engage in historical study. Any physicist will tell you that the particle wave duality of light has pretty much closed the book on the notion that we can objectively, perfectly know anything. This book is important because the poison of partisan politics has come to dominate even the dialogue of academic research. If the sole criterion for giving a book one star is the notion that you don't agree with its thesis, then you obviously live in a fragile world and are incapable of being challenged intellectually. This book is of the upmost importance for the conservative to read and digest. In developing a coherent narrative of the United States, you need to wrestle with its sins and determine, despite our historical shortcomings and transgressions, what is it that makes this imperfect union the pinnacle of nation states if one agrees with that prospect. For the liberal, you should not view Zinn's work as the last word on anything, but rather use it as a stepping stone to further develop your own historical understanding and consider how well has American done on a relative scale in light of the political, societal and human failings that have marred all human civilizations. This book is well worth the challenges it presents, and should be a 5 star treat for the conservative who loves his country and wants to develop the most cogent and nuanced argument as to why that is the case despite those unsettling realities to be found in this book as well as the liberal who wants to give voice to his disaffection with certain aspects of American society and the reasons why we need to change it. This is not another tool in the mindless and poisonous Manichean bifurcation of American politics. It is a vehicle to help you strengthen and deepen your understanding of US history, regardless from which direction you are coming. Recommended to all who are interested in the journey of learning as opposed to a presupposed outcome that serves a vested interest.
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Reviewed in the United States on February 13, 2010

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